Archive for June, 2010

Dear All:

 The Institute for Social Movements, Pakistan (ISM PAK), engaged with the communities in various districts of Sindh regarding peoples movements around rights, peace and self reliance, has decided to publish a series of books and monographs covering the past and contemporary people’s movements around rights, peace, civil liberties and social justice in Southasia. These publications are part of ISM’s newly incepted Social Movements Studies Initiative that will house a database regarding the past and contemporary social movements in Sindh, Pakistan and Southasia. The first set of volumes will focus Sindh, Pakistan and South Asia.  

The books will carry the scholarly written papers and article; however, keeping in mind the readability of a common reader especially of social movements in Southasia, the word limit of the papers has been limited to 3000.  

The books will focus following thematic area:

–          Economic and Political Rights

–          Land and Peasants Rights

–          Water, Ecology and Environment

–          Language and Culture

–          Sufism

–          Peace and Religious and Ethnic Harmony

–          Women Rights and Liberation

–          Literature, Music  & Art  

–          Freedom of Expression

Social Movements – Volume I: 

Abstract Submission Dateline: June 30, 2010  

Paper Submission Deadline: August 30, 2010

This will focus on the several people’s movements that have been staged in Sindh since the creation of Pakistan in 1947. It will also include the scholarly details and analysis of the issues Sindh society faces today, which are potential to shape tomorrow’s people’s movements. This volume will cover the past and contemporary issues and movements focusing above themes.   

Social Movements – Volume II: 


Abstract Submission Dateline: July 10, 2010  

Paper Submission Deadline: September 30, 2010

Volume II will focus on the various people’s movements that have been underway since the creation of Pakistan simultaneously in whole Pakistan with a collective outlook as well as exclusively in Punjab, Balochistan and Khebar Pakhtunkhawa provinces. It will also include the scholarly details and analysis of the issues Pakistan society as well as of three provinces, which are potential  to gather a bigger mass giving birth to many new social movements. This volume will cover the past and contemporary issues and movements focusing above themes.   

Social Movements – Volume III: 


Abstract Submission Dateline: July 15, 2010  

Paper Submission Deadline: October 30, 2010

Volume III will focus Southasia in the context of various people’s movements that have been underway since the end of colonialism in every specific country. It will focus the movements (if any) that have been underway simultaneously and collectively in the whole region as well as individually in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal and Sri lanka. It will also include the scholarly details and analysis of the issues of Southasian societies. This volume will cover the past and contemporary issues and movements focusing above themes.   

An abstract, a sample of writing and curriculum vitae must be sent to:



(Note: The website of ISM PAK will be uploaded soon with more details about the initiative.)

Please contact for further details:



Kind Regards,

Zulfiqar Shah


Executive Director

The Institute for Social Movements, Pakistan

B 9, Naseem Nagar Phase IV, Qasimabad,

Hyderabad 71000, Sindh, Pakistan

Phone: +92 22 2654905 Fax: +92 22 2654605

Cell: +92 321 308 702 4 / +92 333 464 888 1

Email: info@ismpak.org l  ismpak@live.com



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by Arundhati Roy

In These Times magazine, January 2005


In India, the word public is now a Hindi Word. It means people. In Hindi, we have sarkar and public, the government and the people. Inherent in this use is the underlying assumption that the government is quite separate from “the people:’ However, as you make your way up India’s complex social ladder, the distinction between sarkar and public gets blurred. The Indian elite, like the elite anywhere in the world, finds it hard to separate itself from the state.

In the United States, on the other hand, the blurring of this distinction between sarkar and public has penetrated far deeper into society. This could be a sign of robust democracy, but unfortunately it’s a little more complicated and less pretty than that. Among other things, it has to do with the elaborate web of paranoia generated by the US. sarkar and spun out by the corporate media and Hollywood. Ordinary people in the United States have been manipulated into imagining they are a people under siege whose sole refuge and protector is their government. If it isn’t the Communists, it’s al Qaeda. If it isn’t Cuba, it’s Nicaragua. As a result, the most powerful nation in the world is peopled by a terrified citizenry jumping at shadows. A people bonded to the state not by social services, or public health care, or employment guarantees, but by fear.

This synthetically manufactured fear is used to gain public sanction for further acts of aggression. And so it goes, building into a spiral of self-fulfilling hysteria, now formally calibrated by the US government’s Amazing Technicolored Terror Alerts: fuchsia, turquoise, salmon pink.

To outside observers, this merging of sarkar and public in the United States sometimes makes it hard to separate the actions of the government from the people. Such confusion fuels anti-Americanism in the world-anti-Americanism that is seized upon and amplified by the U.S. government and its faithful media outlets. You know the routine: “Why do they hate us? They hate our freedoms:’ et cetera. This enhances the U.S. people’s sense of isolation, making the embrace between sarkar and public even more intimate.

Over the last few years, the “war on terrorism” has mutated into the more generic “war on terror:’ Using the threat of an external enemy to rally people behind you is a tired old horse that politicians have ridden into power for centuries. But could it be that ordinary people, fed up with that poor old horse, are looking for something different? Before Washington’s illegal invasion of Iraq, a Gallup International poll showed that in no European country was support for a unilateral war higher than ii percent. On February 15, 2003, weeks before the invasion, more than 10 million people marched against the war on different continents, including North America. And yet the governments of many supposedly democratic countries still went to war.

We must question then: Is “democracy” still democratic? Are democratic governments accountable to the people who elected them? And, critically, is the public in democratic countries responsible for the actions of its sarkar?

If you think about it, the logic that underlies the war on terror and the logic that underlies terrorism are exactly the same. Both make ordinary citizens pay for the actions of their government. Al Qaeda made the people of the United States pay with their lives for the actions of their government in Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Afghanistan. The U.S. government has made the people of Afghanistan pay in the thousands for the actions of the Taliban and the people of Iraq pay in the hundreds of thousands for the actions of Saddam Hussein. Whose God decides which is a “just war” and which isn’t? George Bush senior once said: “I will never apologize for the United States. I don’t care what the facts are:’ When the president of the most powerful country in the world doesn’t need to care what the facts are, then we can be sure we have entered the Age of Empire.

Real choices

So what does public power mean in the Age of Empire? Does it mean anything at all? Does it actually exist? In these allegedly democratic times, conventional political thought holds that public power is exercised through the ballot. People in scores of countries around the world will go to the polls this year. Most (not all) of them will get the governments they vote for. But will they get the governments they want?

In India this year, we voted the Hindu nationalists of the BJP out of office. But even as we celebrated, we knew that on nuclear bombs, neoliberalism, privatization, censorship, big dams-on every major issue other than overt Hindu nationalism-the Congress and the BJP have no major ideological differences. We know that it is the 50-year legacy of the Congress Party that prepared the ground culturally and politically for the far right.

And what of the US. elections? Did US. voters have a real choice? The US. political system has been carefully crafted to ensure that no one who questions the natural goodness of the military-industrial corporate structure will be allowed through the portals of power. Given this, it’s no surprise that in this election you had two Yale University graduates, both members of Skull and Bones, the same secret society, both millionaires, both playing at soldier-solider, both talking up war, and arguing almost childishly about who would lead the war on terror more effectively. It’s not a real choice. It’s an apparent choice. Like choosing a brand of detergent. Whether you buy Ivory Snow or Tide, they’re both owned by Procter & Gamble. The fact is that electoral democracy has become a process of cynical manipulation. It offers us a very reduced political space today. To believe that this space constitutes real choice would be naive. The crisis of modern democracy is a profound one. Free elections, a free press and an independent judiciary mean little when the free market has reduced them to commodities available on sale to the highest bidder.

On the global stage, beyond the jurisdiction of sovereign governments, international instruments of trade and finance oversee a complex web of multilateral laws and agreements that have entrenched a system of appropriation that puts colonialism to shame. This system allows the unrestricted entry and exit of massive amounts of speculative capital into and out of Third World countries, which then effectively dictates their economic policy. Using the threat of capital flight as a lever, international capital insinuates itself deeper and deeper into these economies. Giant transnational corporations are taking control of their essential infrastructure and natural resources, their minerals, their water, their electricity. The World Trade Organization, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other financial institutions, like the Asian Development Bank, virtually write economic policy and parliamentary legislation. With a deadly combination of arrogance and ruthlessness, they take their sledgehammers to fragile, interdependent, historically complex societies, and devastate them, all under the fluttering banner of “reform” As a consequence of such reform, thousands of small enterprises and industries have closed; millions of workers and farmers have lost their jobs and land.

Once the free market controls the economies of the Third World they become enmeshed in an elaborate, carefully calibrated system of economic inequality. Western countries flood the markets of poorer nations with their subsidized agricultural goods and other products with which local producers cannot possibly compete. Countries that have been plundered by colonizing regimes are steeped in debt to these same powers, and have to repay them at the rate of about $382 billion a year. The rich get richer and the poor get poorer-not accidentally, but by design.

To put a vulgar point on all of this, the combined wealth of the world’s billionaires in 2004 (587 “individuals and family units”), according to Forbes magazine, is $1.9 trillion-more than the gross domestic product of the world’s 135 poorest countries combined. The good news is that there are in more billionaires this year than there were in 2003.

Modern democracy is safely premised on almost religious acceptance of the nation state. But corporate globalization is not. Liquid capital is not. So even though capital needs the coercive powers of the nation state to put down revolts in the servants’ quarters, this setup ensures that no individual nation can oppose corporate globalization on its own.

Public power

Radical change cannot and will not be negotiated by governments; it can only be enforced by people. By the public. A public that can link hands across national borders. A public that disagrees with the very concept of empire. A public that has set itself against the governments and institutions that support and service Empire.

Empire has a range of calling cards. It uses different weapons to break open different markets. There’s no country on God’s earth that isn’t caught in the crosshairs of the US. cruise missile and the IMF checkbook. For

poor people in many countries, Empire does not always appear in the form of cruise missiles and tanks, as it has in Iraq or Afghanistan or Vietnam. It appears in their lives in very local avatars-losing their jobs, being sent unpayable electricity bills, having their water supply cut, being evicted from their homes and uprooted from their land. It is a process of relentless impoverishment with which the poor are historically familiar. What Empire does is further entrench and exacerbate already existing inequalities.

Until quite recently, it was sometimes difficult for people to see themselves as victims of Empire. But now, local struggles have begun to see their role with increasing clarity. However grand it might sound, the fact is, they are confronting Empire in their own, very different ways. Differently in Iraq, in South Africa, in India, in Argentina, and differently, for that matter, on the streets of Europe and the United States. This is the beginning of real globalization. The globalization of dissent.

Meanwhile, the rift between rich and poor is being driven deeper and the battle to control the world’s resources intensifies. Economic colonialism through formal military aggression is staging a comeback.

Iraq today is a tragic illustration of this process. The illegal invasion. The brutal occupation in the name of liberation. The rewriting of laws to allow the shameless appropriation of the country’s wealth and resources by corporations allied to the occupation. And now the charade of a sovereign “Iraqi government.”

The Iraqi resistance is fighting on the frontlines of the battle against Empire. And therefore that battle is our battle. Before we prescribe how a pristine Iraqi resistance must conduct a secular, feminist, democratic, nonviolent battle, we should shore up our end of the resistance by forcing the US. government and its allies to withdraw from Iraq.

Resistance across borders

The first militant confrontation in the United States between the global justice movement and the neoliberal junta took place at the WTO conference in Seattle in December 1999. To many mass movements in developing countries that had long been fighting lonely, isolated battles, Seattle was the first delightful sign that people in imperialist countries shared their anger and their vision of another kind of world. As resistance movements have begun to reach out across national borders and pose a real threat, governments have developed their own strategies for dealing with them, ranging from co-optation to repression.

Three contemporary dangers confront resistance movements: the difficult meeting point between mass movements and the mass media, the hazards of the NGOization of resistance, and the confrontation between resistance movements and increasingly repressive states.

The place in which the mass media meets mass movements is a complicated one. Governments have learned that a crisis-driven media cannot afford to hang about in the same place for too long. Just as a business needs cash turnover, the media need crisis turnover. Whole countries become old news, and cease to exist, and the darkness becomes deeper than before the light was briefly shone on them.

While governments hone the art of waiting out crises, resistance movements are increasingly ensnared in a vortex of crisis production that seeks to find ways of manufacturing them in easily consumable, spectator-friendly formats. For this reason, starvation deaths are more effective at publicizing impoverishment than malnourished people in the millions.

The disturbing thing nowadays is that resistance as spectacle has cut loose from its origins in genuine civil disobedience and is becoming more symbolic than real. Colorful demonstrations and weekend marches are fun and vital, but alone they are not powerful enough to stop wars. Wars will be stopped only when soldiers refuse to fight, when workers refuse to load weapons onto ships and aircraft, when people boycott the economic outposts of Empire that are strung across the globe.

If we want to reclaim the space for civil disobedience, we must liberate ourselves from the tyranny of crisis reportage and its fear of the mundane. We must use our experience, our imagination and our art to interrogate those instruments of state that ensure “normality” remains what it is: cruel, unjust, unacceptable. We must expose the policies and processes that make ordinary things food, water, shelter and dignity-such a distant dream for ordinary people. The real preemptive strike is to understand that wars are the end result of a flawed and unjust peace.

For mass resistance movements, no amount of media coverage can make up for strength on the ground. There is no alternative, really, to old-fashioned, back-breaking political mobilization.


A second hazard facing mass movements is the NGO-ization of resistance. Some nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) of course do valuable work, but it’s important to consider the NGO phenomenon in a broader political context.

Most large, well-funded NGOs are financed and patronized by aid and development agencies, which are in turn funded by Western governments, the World Bank, the United Nations and some multinational corporations. Though they may not be the very same agencies, they are certainly part of the same loose political formation that oversees the neoliberal project and demands the slash in government spending in the first place.

Why should these agencies fund NGOs? Could it be just old-fashioned missionary zeal? NGOs give the impression that they are filling the vacuum created by a retreating state. And they are, but in a materially inconsequential way. Their real contribution is that they defuse political anger and dole out as aid or benevolence what people ought to have by right. They alter the public psyche, they turn people into dependent victims and they blunt the edges of political resistance. NGOs form a sort of buffer between the sarkar and public. Between Empire and its subjects. They have become the arbitrators, the interpreters, the facilitators of the discourse-the secular missionaries of the modern world.

Eventually-on a smaller scale, but more insidiously-the capital available to NGOs plays the same role in alternative politics as the speculative capital that flows in and out of the economies of poor countries. It begins to dictate the agenda, turning confrontation into negotiation and depoliticizing resistance.

The cost of violence

This brings us to a third danger: the deadly nature of the actual confrontation between resistance movements and increasingly repressive states. Between public power and the agents of Empire.

‘Whenever civil resistance has shown the slightest signs of evolving from symbolic action into anything remotely threatening, the crackdown is merciless. We’ve seen what happened to the demonstrators in Seattle, in Miami, in Gothenburg, in Genoa.

In the United States, you have the USA PATRIOT Act, which has become a blueprint for antiterrorism laws passed by governments around the world. Freedoms are being curbed in the name of protecting freedom. And once we surrender our freedoms, to win them back will take a revolution.

One does not endorse the violence of militant groups. Neither morally nor strategically. But to condemn it without first denouncing the much greater violence perpetrated by the state would be to deny the people of these regions not just their basic human rights, but even the right to a fair hearing. People who have lived in situations of conflict know that militancy and armed struggle provokes a massive escalation of violence from the state. But living as they do, in situations of unbearable injustice, can they remain silent forever?

No discussion taking place in the world today is more crucial than the debate about strategies of resistance. And the choice of strategy is not entirely in the hands of the public. It is also in the hands of sarkar.

In this restive, despairing time, if governments do not do all they can to honor nonviolent resistance, then by default they privilege those who turn to violence. No government’s condemnation of terrorism is credible if it cannot show itself to be open to change by nonviolent dissent. Instead, today, nonviolent resistance movements are being crushed, bought off or simply ignored.

Meanwhile, governments and the corporate media (and let’s not forget the film industry) lavish their time, attention, funds, technology and research on war and terrorism. Violence has been deified. The message this sends is disturbing and dangerous: If you seek to air a public grievance, violence is more effective than nonviolence.

The U.S. soldiers fighting in Iraq-mostly volunteers in a poverty draft from small towns and poor urban neighborhoods-are victims, just as much as the Iraqis, of the same horrendous process that asks them to die for a victory that will never be theirs.

The mandarins of the corporate world, the CEOs, the bankers, the politicians, the judges and generals look down on us from on high and shake their heads sternly. “There’s no alternative:’ they say, and let slip the dogs of war.

Then, from the ruins of Afghanistan, from the rubble of Iraq and Chechnya, from the streets of occupied Palestine and the mountains of Kashmir, from the hills and plains of Colombia, and the forests of Andhra Pradesh and Assam, comes the chilling reply: “There’s no alternative but terrorism:’ Terrorism. Armed struggle. Insurgency. Call it what you want.

Terrorism is vicious, ugly and dehumanizing for its perpetrators as well as its victims. But so is war. You could say that terrorism is the privatization of war. Terrorists are the free marketers of war. They are people who don’t believe that the state has a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence.

Of course, there is an alternative to terrorism. Its called justice. It’s time to recognize that no amount of nuclear weapons, or full-spectrum dominance, or “daisy cutters” or spurious governing councils and loya girgas can buy peace at the cost of justice.

The urge for hegemony and preponderance by some will be matched with greater intensity by the longing for dignity and justice by others. Exactly what form that battle takes, whether it’s beautiful or bloodthirsty, depends on us.


ARUNDHATI ROY is the author of The God of Small Things, a novel for which she won the Booker Prize in 1997 This article is adapted from Public Power in the Age of Empire (Seven Stories, 2004) which is based on a speech Roy gave to the American Sociological Association in August 2004.

Courtesy: http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Arundhati_Roy/People_vs_Empire.html

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KARACHI: Cyclone Phet roared past Karachi and tore across the coastal belt of Sindh on Sunday evening after about a week-long, 1,100km journey from the central Arabian Sea.

After lashing the Makran coast, the cyclone caused torrential rainfall in Karachi, Thatta, Badin, Hyderabad and adjoining areas and Met officials forecast that the rainy spell would continue at intervals till Tuesday.

Widespread destruction of hutments of coastal communities by sea swell and gusty winds was reported by fishermen’s representatives who also expressed concern over lack of facilities in relief camps.

They told Dawn that two boats with 15 fishermen had not yet returned to the coast.

Tens of thousands of people living along the Balochistan and Sindh coasts had been relocated to safe places.

The cyclone hit the coast between Karachi and Keti Bunder, blew away roofs and uprooted trees and electricity poles. It made landfall at Mirpur Sakro in Thatta.

It rained heavily in Hyderabad. Intermittent rainfall was reported from Mirpurkhas, Sanghar, Naushahro Feroze, Moro, Mithiani, Kandiaro, Halani, Nawabshah, Dadu, Jamshoro, Mithi and Umerkot.

Pakistan Meteorological Department’s Director-General Dr Qamaruz Zaman Chaudhry said the outer fringes of Phet, which had degraded to the lower side of a Category 1 cyclone, hit the Mirpur Sakro coast — 24.5N and 67.2E — southeast of Karachi at 9.30pm.

He said the winds circulated anti-clockwise in a cyclone so it would be generating more sea surge on the eastern side than on the west (towards Karachi) from its landing place.

He said Phet was expected to remain on the land in coastal areas for 12 to 24 hours during which it would lose much of its energy and convert in to a deep depression and then either dissipate or move further in the eastern direction and cross over to India. But it would not have much intensity left to cause any damage there.

He said that although Phet had hit the land, heavy rains would lash Karachi and nearby coastal areas for another 24 to 48 hours that could cause flash floods in Sindh, including the provincial capital, and eastern Balochistan.

Dr Chaudhry said Karachi received up to 150mm of rain on Sunday and Keti Bunder 69mm, Earlier Gwadar had received 370mm, Jiwani 208mm and Pasni 130mm.

He said that Phet started as a deep depression in central Arabian Sea on May 31, moved northwards and intensified, converting into a very severe tropical storm, then curved westwards and hit Oman. After travelling overland it again started to re-curve eastwards and passing between the Omani and Pakistan coasts travelled on the sea while its effects caused very heavy rains along the Makran coast.

It changed it direction several times, from Karachi, to east of Karachi, to the west, first gaining and then losing intensity.

It finally hit east of Karachi as a tropical cyclone with very little intensity.

The Met chief said fishermen could resume their activities west of Ormara on Monday. The heavy rains wreaked havoc in Karachi, crippling its infrastructure, submerging major traffic arteries and low-lying areas, disrupting power supply and snapping live wires which caused electrocution of seven people. Another person died when a carelessly driven speedy bus overturned on a slippery road.

Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum’s chief Mohammad Ali Shah said Phet had hit the Thatta coast between Keti Bunder and Bhambhore. Its outer fringes touched the coast at around 7pm.

He said at least 28 members of the fishing community were stuck in Khober creek and waited to be rescued.

He said over 450 people from five villages of Kothi and Kar union councils had gone to Jati town on Sunday, but the administration was not allowing them into relief camps. He said efforts were being made to shift them to Sujawal.

Courtesy: Daily Dawn Karachi


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HYDERABAD, June 1: A large number of civil society activists staged a rally from Sindh University’s old campus to the press club here on Tuesday to condemn Friday’s attacks on worship places of Ahmadis in Lahore and the resultant loss of precious lives.They raised slogans against Taliban and urged the Punjab government to dissociate itself from banned outfits and remove its irresponsible home minister Rana Sanaullah.They condemned the killing of innocent people in the name of religion and urged the government to take strict action not only against the extremists and terrorists but also those who were providing them financial and moral support.

They said that the Punjab government was ignoring the process of Talibanisation of the province to safeguard its temporary political interests.

They demanded action against govern ment functionaries and police officers who were associated with extremists.

They also condemned the attack on Jinnah Hospital in Lahore and Israeli Israeli aggression on the ships carrying relief goods for the stranded Palestinians.

Prominent among the participants of the rally were Punhal Sario, Amar Sindhu, Irfana Mallah, Zulfiqar Shah and leftist leader Taj Mari.—Correspondent

Courtesy: Daily Dawn Karachi


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ISLAMABAD, Jun 4: The agricultural sector did not perform well during the fiscal year ending this month, mainly because of shortage of water and against the target of 3.8 per cent, the ‘central player’ of national economy grew by only 2.0 per cent, says the Economic Survey 2009-10 released on Friday.

Major crops, accounting for 32.8 per cent of agricultural value, registered a negative growth of 0.2 per cent as against a robust growth of 7.3 per cent in 2008-09. Minor crops contributing 11.1 per cent to agriculture posted a negative growth of 1.2 per cent.

The survey also says that the production of minor crops has been declining since 200405, a worrying trend which is partially contributing to food inflation.

The availability of water as an important input for Kharif 2009 for crops such as rice, sugarcane and cotton, was 0.3 per cent more than normal supplies and 0.6 per cent more than last year’s Kharif season.

The water availability during the ongoing Rabi season is, however, estimated at 26.0 million acre feet (maf), which is 28.6 per cent less than during the season last year.

The production of cotton is estimated at 12.7 million bales for 2009-10, higher by 7.4 per cent over last year’s production of 11.8 million bales.

The sugarcane output this year is estimated at 49.4 million tons, against 50.0 million tons last year, a decline of 1.3 per cent.

The main reason for the decline are that maximum area given to wheat during 2008-09 restricted the sugarcane acreage.

Besides, shortage of canal water, electricity loadshedding, lower prices in the preceding season and a high rate of inputs also discouraged farmers from growing sugarcane.

The rice area is estimated at 2,883,000 hectares, 2.7 per cent less than last year. The size of the crop is estimated at 6,883,000 tons, 1.0 per cent less than last year.

Wheat being the leading foodgrain, its harvest is estimated to be lower than the 2009-2010 target of 25.0 million tons. The size of wheat crop is provisionally estimated at 23.9 million tons, 0.7 per cent less than last year’s input.

The impact of water shortage and lower rainfall has been the main reason for the reduced wheat acreage.

The livestock being the single largest contributor to overall agriculture grew by 4.1 per cent as against 3.5 per cent last year.

The fisheries’ sector expanded by 1.4 per cent, while forestry which has experienced negative growth for the last six years, exhibited a positive growth of 2.2 per cent this year.

Courtesy: Daily Dawn Karachi


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SUKKUR, June 4: Hundreds of growers took out a rally and staged a sit-in outside the office of the chief engineer of Guddu Barrage on Friday against paucity of water in Shahi Wah, as a result of which sowing of paddy is being delayed.

The protesting peasants were led by the Secretary General of Sindh Abadgar Board Kashmore chapter, G. M. Khoso and Mir Saifur-Rehman Rind.

Carrying banners and placards inscribed with slogans against shortage of water in Shahi Wah and irrigation authorities, they burnt tyres and blocked the road for three hours.

They said that water is released into the Wah from May 20, but this year au thorities were reluctant to release water in the wah. Today is June 4 and Shahi Wah had almost dried up due to irrigation authorities’ adamant attitude which has also damaged paddy.

They said that the irrigation authorities insist that there was an acute shortage of water in the Indus and water into the Shahi Wah would be released as and when the situation improved. They demanded of the Sindh irrigation minister to take notice and order release of water in the wah to save thousands of acres of land from becoming barren.

The protesters peacefully dispersed when the SDO Irrigation Guddu Barrage, Khushi Mohammad Shaikh, met and as sured them of early release of water. According to the chief engineer of Guddu Barrage, Zafarullah Mahar, water shortage was prevailing at all the barrages and here at Guddu, “we are facing a 50 per cent shortage”. However, he said, he had ordered release of 1,000 cusec in Shahi Wah and the water had already reached there. But G.M. Khoso of the SAB, however, rejected the claim of the chief engineer by saying that the wah is still dry.

Courtesy: Daily Dawn Karachi


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  By Intikhab Hanif

LAHORE, June 4: Ignoring the objections to the policy of giving forest land to the unemployed youth for agriculture and forestry, the Punjab Board of Revenue has ordered transfer of the selected forest land from district governments to the forest department through a notification.

The decision has sparked a debate whether it could be done this way or through an amendment to the Local Government Ordinance 2001.

The notification has been issued by the BoR member colonies two days ago, asking the governments of 11 districts to give 23,431 acres of their “state forest land” (Chak Plantations) to the provincial forest department for leasing it out to the ‘agriculture’ and forest graduates.The notification which has been sent to all district governments further says “the land shall remain under the administrative control of the forest department, and the revenue administration in the field shall assist the forest department in implementation of the scheme and make entries in the revenue record on receipt of orders from the forest department.” The districts where such forest land exists include Faisalabad, Toba Tek Singh, Bhakkar, Layyah, Khushab, Mianwali, Kasur, Chiniot, Rajanpur, Muzaffargarh and Bahawalnagar.

Those opposing the scheme in the official circles say forest is a devolved function under the Local Government Ordinance 2001 which is still in vogue.The function was given to the EDO agriculture under Schedule I of the Ordinance and Chak Plantations were given to the district governments through a notification in pursuance of this clause.

And, they say, the land could be transferred to the forest department only after withdrawing the forestry function from the district governments through an amendment to the law.

On the contrary, legal experts in the government say the land was giv en to the district governments through a notification. And the government could withdraw it again through a notification.

A senior officer, who requested anonymity, said it was a case of law interpretation but the BoR was missing the point.

Some senior officials of the provincial government said on Friday the basic idea of giving forest land for agriculture was against the spirit of the amendments to the Forest Act approved by the provincial cabinet only on Monday, disallowing usage of such land for non-forestry purposes.

They said the notification by the BoR had confirmed that the govern ment was allowing agriculture on forest land which was against the approved amendments to the Forest Act, and all international laws and traditions.

They said the BoR notification would legalise the misuse of the forest land. It would make it difficult for the government to stop its misuse in future. “The district governments have spent millions of rupees on these plantations over the past nine years and now they are going to hand them over to the graduates for agriculture,” an official regretted.

Senior Member BoR Akhlaq Ahmad Tarar and the member colonies were not available for comment despite repeated attempts.

Courtesy: Daily Dawn Karachi


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